By Anders Bäckström
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Conservative residualism, rather, is a response to family failure: state provision in the form of targeted services is only introduced when the family and/or civil society are unable to respond adequately. It is also clear that both This is the case in spite of the high degree of de-commodification in the Netherlands. In fact, this seems to be one of the most difficult countries to place: Esping-Andersen first assigned the Netherlands to the social-democratic regime-type, but later placed it in the conservative regime-type.
Early social insurance schemes did not build on to egalitarian ideals, with the result that far-reaching status differentials have been preserved in many of the insurance programmes in these countries. The ‘etatist’ legacy remains strong in the privileged treatment of public civil servants, especially in Germany, France, Italy and Austria (Esping-Andersen 1990; 1999). Despite attempts to consolidate the myriad of occupational schemes that exist in these places, corporate status divisions continue to characterize the systems of social security.
They point out that ‘when you become unemployed, when you become ill or when you are handicapped by accident or illness or whatever, there is a security system that takes care of you. You are not put out on the street’ (f). In addition, välfärd also has non-material aspects. One church informant expresses it thus: ‘To have a roof over your head and food for the day, but also a meaningful life, to be part of a meaningful setting. You cannot live only for food and housing, you ought to have something more, and that I think is included in welfare’ (m).