Global Coloniality of Power in Guatemala: Racism, Genocide, by Egla Martínez Salazar

By Egla Martínez Salazar

In this engaged critique of the geopolitics of information, Egla Martínez Salazar examines the genocide and other kinds of country terror comparable to racialized feminicide and the assault on Maya formative years, which happened in Guatemala of the Nineteen Eighties and '90s with the whole aid of Western colonial powers. Drawing on a cautious research of lately declassified kingdom files, thematic lifestyles histories, and compelling interviews with Maya and Mestizo men and women survivors, Martinez Salazar indicates how humans resisting oppression have been switched over into the politically abject. on the heart of her e-book is an exam of ways coloniality survives colonialism—a an important element for knowing how modern hegemonic practices and ideologies similar to equality, democracy, human rights, peace, and citizenship are deeply contested terrains, for they carry nominal equality from functional social inequality. whereas many within the worldwide North proceed to benefit from the advantages of this domination, thousands, if no longer billions, in either the South and North were persecuted, managed, and exterminated in the course of their struggles for a extra simply world.

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Additional info for Global Coloniality of Power in Guatemala: Racism, Genocide, Citizenship

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My research and analysis is also informed by insights from critical political economy that link state terror and genocide with capitalist practices, albeit with important discursive and analytical changes, especially around two major influences in Latin America: the imposition of the National Security Doctrine, primarily by the United States, and reworked in Guatemala, and neoliberalism (Gomez-Suarez 2010; Klein 2007). For as Klein pertinently asks, is neoliberalism an inherently violent ideology, and is there something about its goal that demands this cycle of brutal cleansing followed by human rights cleanup operations (2007: 151)?

6. Beginning gradually in 2002, some progressive circles began to acknowledge the perpetration of genocide. However, within the hegemonic discourse of mainstream media and most international and national non-governmental organizations, in Guatemala there was only a “civil war,” or an “internal armed conflict” (field notes 2002, 2006, 2008). 7. N. Declaration does not acknowledge that a national group can simultaneously be a political group. 8. Klein refers to the process by which several North American and European human rights organizations scrubbed out references to the root causes of genocide, torture, and other state terror methods, and imposed a legalistic and narrow view, by simply asserting that “everyone has the right to a fair trial and to be free from cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment” (2007: 143-44).

Most Pueblos de Indios were built in what is currently called the Guatemalan Maya highlands. In other parts of colonial Guatemala, other Pueblos de Indios, such as those populated by Xinkas, were created. ” This transition was more apparent by the end of the eighteenth century. The gradual decrease in the numbers of Indigenous Peoples surviving in the eastern region was not achieved through massacres, but by the most direct, daily imposition of Catholicism and the Spanish language, another form of genocide.

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