Hannibal's Dynasty: Power and Politics in the Western by Dexter Hoyos

By Dexter Hoyos

Obtainable and enlightening, Hannibal's Dynasty presents the total tale of Carthage's fulfillment, going past the standard specialize in Hannibal and army issues by myself to examine a variety of political and diplomatic concerns too. Dexter Hoyos exhibits how the aristocratic Barcid kin received dominance within the loose republic of Carthage, and the way they exploited kin connections to steer Carthage to greatness at domestic and in another country. for college kids of Hannibal, his dynasty and his legacy - this can be the publication to learn.

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Extra resources for Hannibal's Dynasty: Power and Politics in the Western Mediterranean, 247-183 BC

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3 To be appointed general in Sicily against the Romans and hold command for six years implies strong political connexions, especially if the appointee was still relatively young. A well-connected marriage may have helped, though nothing is known of Hamilcar’s wife. His father Hannibal too may well have been or still was a man of consequence at Carthage, but it is typical of our limited knowledge of affairs there that all this is guesswork. As we saw, Hamilcar’s appointment coincided with a distinct runningdown of his country’s effort in the Roman war in favour, it seems, of expansionist campaigning in the Carthaginian hinterland.

Instead, but not too surprisingly, the scheme foundered and the malcontent thousand merely deserted to the Romans. These could think of nothing better to do with them than station them on the summit of the mountain in place of its Roman garrison. Embarrassment ensued when the irreverent Celts looted the sacred and wealthy temple. 12 The other 2,000 Gauls under their chieftain Autaritus remained loyal. All the same, Hamilcar’s force was further reduced. In practical terms he was having no effect on the war.

The citizen body was fairly limited: women had no vote, nor of course did slaves. Perhaps too Punic men of low economic status, like poor artisans, were excluded, but the evidence is too indirect to be reliable. Citizens themselves no doubt had to reach legal manhood, whatever age that was, before they qualified as voters. The men of Phoenician towns like Utica and Hippou Acra—not to mention the millions of subject Libyans—were not Carthaginians, though each may have had suffrage in his own community.

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