By Marc Picard
Picard's technique has 3 phases: developing the sound correspondences among a resource language (such as Proto-Algonkian) and a goal language (such as Arapaho); exploiting the concept that of naturalness in phonological swap to the fullest with a view to build operating hypotheses as to what the main most probably historic methods might have been, and to figure out in a nonarbitrary style which techniques can have taken position at the same time; and ordering those strategies based on a few of the feeding, bleeding, counterfeeding, and counterbleeding family that exist among a very good many pairs of diachronic strategies. Picard applies his theoretical assumptions to a close improvement and research of the phonological adjustments that experience taken position among Proto-Algonkian and glossy Arapaho. moreover he offers a segment-by-segment derivation of over 200 lexical goods, displaying precisely which sound alterations have utilized in each one case. ideas and techniques in ancient Phonology is a helpful addition to ancient reports of Algonkian languages and should be of specific curiosity to Algonkianists in addition to linguists commonly.
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Additional info for Principles and Methods in Historical Phonology: From Proto-Algonkian to Arapaho
If the argument against rule persistence appears unconvincing, it may well be because, by Miller's own admission, the "treatment and analysis of these matters ... are ... both preliminary and cursory in the extreme" so that "further and more detailed considerations of these questions must obviously in turn be undertaken, if these findings are eventually to carry the necessary conviction" (1985, 152). 3 Rule insertion Another type of phenomenon proposed in the halcyon days of generative phonology, and which carried the potential of interfering somewhat with our capacity to reconstitute the phonological history of a language, was rule insertion, "the addition of a new rule 'high up' in the phonological component" (Bynon 1977, 118).
Metoskwana ki 'elbows' *meikwayawi 'neck' bet s ono? bes onon *neienkwaiehsa 'my nephew' * iikweewa 'woman' ne6e? , *CkwV > CV. Since the application of DC i, 2, and 5 will turn *CkwV sequences into CyV, this can only mean that another DC deletes postconsonantal /y/. The latter must of course operate only after *k has been deleted for, as we have seen, /y/ is not dropped when it follows *Vk. iwani 'three' hiic 66 6 nees 6 The change can be stated as and must be ordered after DC 5 which bleeds it.
Robinson 1976, 161) What the study of rule reordering shows in general is that to find the explanation for changes described as reordering, we must look to the surface. The explanation is not in deep underlying forms nor in abstract relations between rules. , one having both the same focus and determinant, could have emerged more than once in the history of any language (in the time spans that are usually under study), the following general principle may be formulated: PRINCIPLE C The chronological order of the various sound changes a language has undergone can always be predicted on the basis of their intrinsic order.